Wednesday, February 14, 2018

The Justified Banning of Klan Ken

Lessons of hate just keep on giving.



Ken is currently dressed in full KKK regalia and locked in storage closet. He is named Ken because that is what is molded into the back of his plastic head. He is a six foot tall mannequin.  His job is to model one of the ADL's civil rights artifacts, a full set of KKK robes. It is an important thing for people to see.  We knew using Ken to present the Klan robes would be powerful.

We had no idea.

Ken's Klan robes are the real deal, not some costume or idealized Hollywood version. Despite Ken's blank expression, the malice he emits is palpable. There is horror in the history of those robes which transcends my experience. Although perfectly clean, the robes are unmistakably stained with history.

I have no direct experience with the Klan. I have certainly had interactions with other extremists and I am fairly thick skinned in my own right.  I expected to have no problem managing my feelings about Ken. Sorry Ken, you are awful and shocking.

Everyone who meets Ken gasps, groans or curses. And if I am so shaken by him, what about those people whose families were directly impacted by that history he embodies.

Symbols of hate are plentiful. We've all seen the pictures of burning crosses in front of homes and swastikas sprayed on Jewish grave stones. Ken showed me and many others that pictures don't come close to the real thing. That is why he has been appropriately banned from public view, for now. 

Monday, February 12, 2018

Six Months Later: White Supremacists After Charlottesville

https://www.adl.org/blog/six-months-later-white-supremacists-after-charlottesville


Sieg Heils in Charlottesville

On August 11, 2017, the world watched in horror as hundreds of torch-wielding white supremacists descended on the University of Virginia’s bucolic campus, chanting, “Jews will not replace us!” The next day, the streets of Charlottesville exploded in violence, ringing with the hateful, racist shouts of the neo-Nazis, Klan members and alt right agitators who put aside their internecine differences to gather in an unprecedented show of unity. Their stated common cause: To protest the removal of a 



Confederate statue from a local park. Their true purpose: The preservation and celebration of the white race, at any cost.

The promise of Unite the Right brought white supremacists of all stripes together for a weekend of protest that turned to deadly violence, and left counter-protester Heather Heyer dead. The rally itself, which was organized primarily by Jason Kessler, an alt right activist with ties to notorious racist Richard Spencer, never actually happened. Instead, local and state police converged on the chaotic scene, urging everyone off the streets and away from the parks. Virginia Gov. Terry McAuliffe declared a state of emergency, and white supremacist leaders, from Richard Spencer to David Duke, while bemoaning the lost opportunity to address the crowd, declared the event an overall victory.

But was it a victory? Six months later, what’s happened to the far-flung and disparate groups that make up America’s white supremacist movement?

It’s been a period marked by seismic structural shifts and more than a few power struggles. Divisions have deepened, and the spirit of solidarity that animated the racist crowds in Charlottesville has long since dissipated. And yet, by some measures, evidence of white supremacist activism and engagement is more conspicuous than ever before.

1. The Great Divide

Unite the Right was a highly unusual event, in that it brought together white supremacist groups that historically have avoided one another – people who belong to racist skinhead gangs like the Hammerskins don’t tend to hang out with clean-cut, khaki-wearing alt right types, or with members of the Klan (who showed up in Charlottesville without their robes).

Any harmony was short-lived: In the days immediately after Unite the Right, those divisions re-emerged, stronger than ever.

Today, there is a pointed division between “hard right” National Socialists and the American Nationalist contingent. It is worth noting that the groups share an identical goal – a white ethno-state – but disagree on the best path forward. For the foreseeable future, however, the differences will likely keep anything on the scale of Unite the Right from happening again.

The National Socialist segment of the movement, which includes the Traditionalist Worker Party, the National Socialist Movement and Vanguard America, wants to secede from the United States to form a National Socialist ethno-state. Optics are important; they frown on swastikas and Klan robes, and encourage members to wear black military-style gear. Events tend to feature Confederate flags, as well as the flags of the various contingents. These groups are allied with The League of the South, a southern nationalist group whose members want to establish an all-white South.

The American Nationalists, including Patriot FrontIdentity Evropa, Daily Stormer followers and the Rise Above Movement (RAM), are not interested in seceding, and instead want to reclaim the American government for their own purposes – the eventual creation of a white ethno-state. They make an effort to dress in a clean-cut way that appeals to mainstream America, often wearing polo shirts and khakis.

You could refer to these two groups as the hard right and the alt right, respectively, but it’s not quite that neat and tidy. There is some crossover, and some have demonstrated a willingness to work with the “other side.”

A few examples of this type of cooperative effort between disparate factions:

·         The single event organized by Operation Homeland, a new group created in December by Richard Spencer and Eli Mosley, aka Elliot Kline, was attended by Matthew Heimbach, the founder of the hard right Traditionalist Worker Party.
·         Matthew Heimbach is a scheduled speaker at the March alt right conference in Detroit.
·         Mike Enoch and Sacco Vandal, both active on the alt right, spoke at Nationalist Front rallies this year.

2. The Fallout

Unite the Right showed America – and the world – that hundreds of white men were willing to show their faces in broad daylight as they chanted racist and anti-Semitic slogans. And in the days and weeks that followed, a number of white supremacists who were on the ground in Charlottesville learned that actions have consequences.  This was the inevitable fallout of a movement moving from the virtual world to the real world, but it seems that some Unite the Right participants were unprepared for the blowback.

Some lost their jobs or were ostracized at school after they were identified in photographs of angry tiki torch marchers, or other photos from the event. Neo-Nazi website The Daily Stormer, which posted a derogatory story about murdered counter-protester Heather Heyer, was dropped by web hosting company GoDaddy.

White supremacists were doxxed, their identifying information shared with the world. A Twitter account called @YesYoureRacist called on members of the public to help “out” Unite the Right attendees, with some success.

3. Modest Goals

Despite the discord that emerged in its wake, Unite the Right did establish common ground among participants, and six months later, white supremacists of all types not only organize their own events, they also show up at protests and marches organized by other groups. These gatherings tend to be small, attracting less than two dozen people.
Among the issues that inspire them to collective action:

·         The removal of Confederate monuments, which they claim is an attack on “white” culture.
·         Pro-choice legislation and court rulings, as well as other issues affecting women’s health.
·         Feminism, or any iteration of a women’s march.
·         LGBTQ rights (civil or otherwise).
·         Anything other than hardline anti-immigration policies.
·         Muslims.
·         The perceived mistreatment or murder of white people, especially by minorities.

4. Increased Violence

The violence at Unite the Right followed an unusually violent spring and early summer, marked by the proliferation of “street fighting” tactics – and a variety of offensive and defensive gear. A significant number of white supremacists and militia members came to the Unite the Right rally openly carrying firearms.

But in the months following Unite the Right, some white supremacist groups have embraced the “fight club” mentality, most notably the Rise Above Movement (RAM). Patriot Front and Atomwaffen Division also demonstrate an escalating propensity for street fighting and other forms of violence. Violent language continues to be a mainstay of white supremacist message boards. Atomwaffen Division, in particular, is using Charlottesville as a rallying cry for an all-out race war and has since issued a propaganda video of members firing guns and screaming “gas the kikes” and “race war now.” 

  Among the violent incidents in the six months following Unite the Right:

·         Florida League of the South member Christopher Rey Monzon was arrested in late August for allegedly charging into a crowd of demonstrators with a flag pole. The attack took place outside a Broward County Commissioners’ meeting, where officials were considering renaming streets named for Confederate generals.
·         In September, several dozen Patriot Front associates organized a “flash mob” demonstration outside Houston’s Anarchist Book Fair, unfurling a “Blood and Soil” banner, detonating smoke bombs and chanting phrases like “Blood and Soil,” “F**k you, faggots,” and “anti-White.” They repeatedly challenged people at the book fair to come out and fight.

·         Following an October “White Lives Matter” rally in Shelbyville, Tennessee, a group of white supremacists attacked an interracial couple at a restaurant in Brentwood, Tennessee.
·         Three white supremacists were arrested after a shooting incident in Gainesville, Florida. No one was injured in the incident, which followed Richard Spencer’s October speech at the University of Florida.
·         Seventeen-year-old Nicolas Giampa shot himself in Reston, Virginia, after allegedly killing his girlfriend’s parents, who had warned their daughter of Giampa’s white supremacist social media postings.  Prior to the December murders, Giampa reportedly praised Siege, a book linked to Atomwaffen Division.
·         In December, white supremacist David Atchison disguised himself as a student, took a gun into a high school in Aztec, New Mexico, and killed two students before killing himself.
·         Sam Woodward, who is accused in the January 2018 murder of Blaze Bernstein, appears to have been influenced by Atomwaffen Division’s hyper-violent rhetoric.
While public displays of violence – and violent language – has increased in some segments of the white supremacist population, a number of groups are making a concerted effort to tone down their public messaging, avoiding physical confrontations and any identifiably “white supremacist” logos or symbols. They’re planning “under the radar” events – making unannounced appearances in the form of flash mobs or torch marches.  This dramatically limits white supremacists’ interactions with counter-protesters, undercutting the potential for violence.

Meanwhile, infighting within the white supremacist movement has diminished the potential for large rallies and events – the types of gatherings that typically attract counter-protesters who may be more prone to violence.

And finally, since Unite the Right, law enforcement departments across the country have gotten much better at planning for potentially violent events and controlling opposing crowds.

5. On Campus

While the public fallout from Unite the Right may have dissuaded many white supremacists from attending major public gatherings, it seems to have energized the contingent that distributes racist literature on college campuses. These are target-rich environments for white supremacists, who are always trying to recruit new members, and who view increasingly diverse and inclusive campuses as anathema to their racist goals.
Since September 2016, the Center on Extremism has recorded at least 354 cases of white supremacist fliering on college campuses nationwide.  More than 160 of those incidents took place after the Unite the Right rally.

Matthew Heimbach launches his “National Socialism or Death” college speaking tour in mid-February at the University of Tennessee’s Knoxville campus.

Meanwhile, Richard Spencer continues his speaking tour at public universities. After an October 2017 speech at the University of Florida, Spencer booked an appearance at Michigan State University in March. He’s also hoping to hold an event at Kent State University on May 4, the 48th anniversary of the murder of four students there by National Guardsmen.

Each of Spencer’s proposed on-campus appearances has sparked arguments between his supporters, who say any attempt to stop the speech violates their First Amendment rights, and those who believe Spencer’s presence increases the risk of violence on campus. Spencer, predictably, seems delighted by the uproar, and uses the publicity to promote his favorite cause – himself.

6. Online Migration

After Unite the Right, tech companies launched a concerted effort to remove white supremacist individuals and groups from widely used social media platforms (Twitter, Facebook) and crowdfunding sites (GoFundMe). In many cases, this meant the companies only had to enforce their existing terms of service, but in others, those terms needed to be tweaked. Some tech companies, wary of charges of censorship, had previously resisted removing problematic content. 

Among the high-profile sites and platforms that reacted swiftly to the events in Charlottesville:

·         Bumble announced it would suspend accounts associated in any way with the alt right.
·         GoDaddy (among many other companies, including CloudFlare) refused to provide hosting services to the neo-Nazi Daily Stormer website.
·         WordPress, in an unusual move, suspended service to Vanguard America, one of the groups that helped organize Unite the Right.
·         PayPal reaffirmed plans to cut off services to hate groups, and to disrupt any efforts to solicit donations that will be used to promote violence and/or racial intolerance.
·         Kickstarter and Indiegogo announced they were taking a stand against right-wing extremists using their services.
This expulsion resulted in a mass migration of white supremacist activity from “mainstream” websites to less rigorously monitored platforms like GAB and Voat.  These sites were already popular with fringe groups before August 12, and increased scrutiny from Twitter and others made the less regulated platforms even more attractive.


Sunday, February 11, 2018

Drivers of hate in the US have distinct regional differences

sciencecodex.com/drivers-hate-us-have-distinct-regional-differences-618920


In a new study, University of Utah geographers sought to understand the factors fueling hate across space. Their findings paint a rather grim reality of America; hate is a national phenomenon, and more complicated than they imagined.
The researchers mapped the patterns of active hate groups in every U.S. county in the year 2014, and analyzed their potential socioeconomic and ideological drivers.
They found that in all U.S. regions, less education, population change, and ethnic diversity correlated with more hate groups, as did areas with higher poverty rates and more conservative political affiliation. The magnitude of the drivers had regional differences, however. The regional variation of the proposed drivers of hate may be a result of diverse ethnic and cultural histories. One surprising finding is that the geographical region seemed to determine whether religion has a positive or negative relative effect on the number of hate groups for the county.
The U geographers assert that organized hate is motivated by the desire to protect a place from the perceived threats that 'outsiders' pose to identity and socioeconomic security. The contemporary expression, 'hate,' is shaped by the intermingling histories and present-day conditions of a place.
"There is a lot of uncertainty in the country today, and a lot of change. For those involved in hate group activities, they see their actions as a way to secure the future of their people. Unfortunately, that fear turns to hate, and in the worst case, violence," said Richard Medina, assistant professor in the Department of Geography at the U, and senior author of the study.
"Hate is a geographic problem. The ways people hate are based on the cultures, histories, ethnicities and many other factors dependent on place and place perception."
The study published online in the Annals of the American Association of Geographerson Feb. 9, 2018.
A grim reality
"When thinking about hate and place, it really boils down to thinking about identity," said Emily Nicolosi, co-author and doctoral student at the U. "Some people have strong feelings about who belongs, and who doesn't belong in 'their' place. When they see people coming in that they think don't belong, their very identity feels threatened."
A hate group is an organized group or ideology with beliefs or practices that malign an entire class of people due to their immutable characteristics, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC). Whether it be their race, gender, religion, ethnicity, disability, or sexual orientation, a hate group expresses prejudice against people with a particular identity. Though hate has always existed, 2016 saw a near-high in the number of hate groups in the United States, according to the SPLC. There is still much to learn about how Americans hate, and why.
The researchers mapped active hate groups for every U.S. county using the SPLC database from 2014. They compared the relationships between these groups with the county's socioeconomic factors, meant to represent diversity, poverty, education level and population stability, and ideological factors, represented as religion and degree of conservativism.
"People hate for different reasons because U.S. regions have different situations and histories. For example, the Northeast is a place of power that may be seen as elitist and well-educated. Is there still hate? Yes. Some of the reasons people hate there are different than in the South, where there's a different history of the Confederacy, of discrimination, and so on," said Nicolosi.
While this is not the first study to quantify hate groups at the county level, it is one of the first to look more regionally and analyze variations in space explicitly. Previous research has focused on why people hate, but all populations are typically analyzed together in a national model. Until now, the drivers of hate have never been differentiated for specific places.
What's next?
Medina and Nicolosi want to analyze the differences between different types of hate groups, and whether hate groups are linked to violent behavior.
"First and foremost, I want our paper to help people understand how much we don't know about hate--hate is not a uniform phenomenon. Hopefully this study motivates people to start asking more questions, especially right now," said Medina. "We have a long way to go before we really understand the drivers and patterns of hate in this country."

Sunday, February 4, 2018

Internet History Reviewed - We Screwed Up

I'm from New York, but I have lived online since dial-up networks, and continuously and deeply for over 15 years. I know my neighborhood. I know where to get good pizza and bad sushi. I know the internet that way too.

In the early days of the internet, and especially Web 2.0, we were optimistic, energized, enthused, and mostly wrong.

We were convinced we had ideas that would revolutionize the world and allow the best, strongest and most inspired human ideas and aspirations to become the predominant ethos of our world. 


Everyone was desperately protective of their products, ideas and companies. Each company built barriers, supremely convinced their idea was unique and needed to be secured. But we also built isolation.

In our optimism we forgot basic philosophy, that inescapable yin and yang of reality; good cannot exist without evil.  Within all good resides some bad.

With the lurking evil summarily ignored, we happily moved on.  More than 10 years later, the mantra that the best will rise to the surface and good voices will prevail over bad, was still being uttered in the corner offices  of the major companies.

This despite mounting evidence that disruptive, caustic, malicious players had established a long lived, strong foothold on the internet in major places. In the isolated company environments,  the shared industry-wide nature of the problem went undetected. Perhaps even ignored. And in quiet, fertile ground of the ignored digital places, the problem grew. Even the groups who had dedicated themselves to monitoring hate online questioned themselves about the extent and impact of hate online.

We were wrong.

Government and law enforcement were largely ignorant of the problem.

Victims struggled to cope with a system which offered few substantive, reasonable channels for recourse to their problems.

It was as if  we were hearing completely different things with no one translating.

Fortunately, the disciples of hate, bias and discord were not smart or patient. When President Trump was elected in an atmosphere of social divisiveness, they took that as their signal. Over the years they had interpreted society's lack of serious response to their movement as an indication of tacit approval. They miscalculated and badly overplayed their hand.

In 2017 the hate movement managed to demonstrate what the social movement watch-dogs had been saying for years, violent words lead the to violent action. Although not all keyboard racists are violent, Charlottesville and other events have proved that they truly act as the cheerleaders for a deeply malevolent and viscious segment of society. 

This is now clear, for anyone brave enough to look. The tools for exploring the depths of the internet are available as never before. Identities can still be hidden, but the nature, extent and vectors of malice are now easily documented.

Yes, there is much good online. The benefits we have derived are beyond knowing. We  have discovered that good does not flourish without help, but evil does. However, good grows quickly with the slightest attention while hate and bias stagnate and struggle under the same conditions. The number of dark unobserved places online is shrinking, not because of censorship or control, but because people, companies and governments have seen the true cost of hate and finally agree it is unacceptable.



Thinking Faster than the Speed of Hate

  Jonathan Vick, Acting Deputy Director, International Network Against Cyber Hate (INACH)  Why can’t the internet get ahead of hate? Why h...